Broken wings fly

…until lambs become lions.


Whose war? The place of Africa in the ‘Global conflicts’ of the 21st Century. By Ngito JL.

Most people around the world live in relatively safe havens, not having to experience war or the consequences of it. In some of such peaceful countries, a soldier can go through an entire military career without ever seeing combat. There are even countries without a permanent standing army. However, the ugly truth is that war is part of life. In most cases, it is war, or the threat of war that actually secures the world’s peace. The dropping of the atomic bomb in Japan in 1945 was the most unfortunate event of the century, but it also marked the end of the World War 2 and ushered in an era of ‘peace’ – averting greater losses, should the war have continued. That is why every society, from the smallest group of people to the largest of nations chose to submit to certain strong men or women and build powerful armies, mainly to protect them from invasion from other ‘groups’ or nations.

For Africa, war and conflict have been part of life for a greater part of the century. Whether internal strife in the form of tribal clashes, insurgencies against colonial masters or political violence against oppressive regimes, war has been the way of life for most African communities. But Africans have fought more wars on behalf of other races than for itself. There is historical evidence of Africans participating in medieval wars in Europe, from the moors in Spain to Hannibal in Rome, to the African Samurais in Japanese courts, the pattern has been consistent to date. Although Africa’s capability to consolidate and unite has been hampered through centuries of slavery followed by decades of colonialism and neo-colonialism, there is no question about Africa’s (willing or unwilling) role in global conflicts. Not enough books, films or stories exist to document such participation. The following is an attempt to look at Africa’s role in the major global conflicts of the last century.

Food for Thought: What is a ‘global conflict’? Why are all European conflicts referred to as global conflicts or ‘World Wars’ even when the conflict is between European ethnic communities? Why has the Congo war not been designated as a global conflict or a World War despite it involving nine African countries, 25 armed groups and having claimed 5.4 million casualties – statistically the second deadliest war after WW2?

Africa’s role in the first World War

Africa has been wrongly depicted as a silent observer in all ‘global conflicts’. Africa’s voice as an entity in WW1 is scanty in history books mainly because Africans participated in WW1 defending the interests of their colonizers. In East Africa, both the British and the Germans forcefully drafted Africans to help their side of the war as porters, carrier corps (‘Kariokor’) or as actual soldiers in the Kings African Rifles (KAR). In the German-occupied Tanganyika, Africans were mobilized by the allies to fight against German contingents in the German East Africa Protectorate making East Africa the bloodiest scene on African soil with over 1 million African lives lost on both British and German sides. While France was the biggest recruiter of African soldiers from West and North Africa (450,000 soldiers), sending them to the frontlines in Europe, East Africa was where the heaviest losses were registered. Overall, WW1 cost Africa at least 2 million lives including civilian casualties.

It is critical to note that at the end of WW1, the boundaries of African countries previously occupied by Germany were re-drawn as Germany lost all of its African colonies. Most interestingly, the Treaty of Versailles proclaimed the right of self-determination to German-occupied territories in Europe, but this right was not granted to the German-occupied territories in Africa. Africans in these territories simply changed masters as their new colonizers (The allies) inherited German East Africa (Tanzania), German Cameroon, Togo and German South West Africa (Namibia) were all taken over by the victors. Many religious, cultural and ‘tribal’ conflicts in Africa today bear their foundations from the legacy of WW1.

Africa’s Role in the second World War

In WW2, more than 1 million Africans were again enlisted by Britain, France and Belgium, with Britain enlisting more than half the number. Some of them fought in Africa while others were deployed to India, Myanmar (Burma), The Middle East and the Pacific. Many were forcefully recruited and did not even understand what fascism was all about.

The participation of Africans in both WW1 and WW2 exposed Africans to the vulnerabilities of the white man. Initially seen as a superior human with superior weapons incapable of death in the battle-field, they were now seen by the Africans who fought alongside them as equally or even more vulnerable to infection and disease, hard labor, rough climate and harsh living conditions. This realization gave courage to many African soldiers who came back to Africa after the war with a greater motivation to lead African resistance movements against their white colonial masters, catalyzing the pace of African independence from colonialism. More importantly, the U.S. – The ‘West’s new leader proclaimed a new era of ‘freedom’ and called on Britain to grant independence to its colonies further hastening the path to independence.

Africa’s Role in the Cold War

As each conflict plants the seed for the next conflict, the conclusion of World War 2 again laid the foundations of the cold war. The allies’ decision to form an alliance with Stalin in order to defeat Germany and Japan did not foresee Stalin’s interests in keeping hold of the territories captured through their efforts, creating an ‘East’ versus ‘West’ dichotomy, which had opposite ideas on how societies should be organized. While the West championed democracy and liberal economies (capitalism) in their ‘territories’ or spheres of influence, the East championed socialism and state-controlled economies in their ‘territories’ (communism). This led to a competition on various fronts; including on culture, on the economy, on military capability (arms-race) and on technology (space-race). The arms race quickly led to arms stockpiling and threats of invasion by either side. During the cold war, African countries were divided between the East and the West. Many African leaders were overthrown or assassinated for associating with either side. Few African countries managed to sail through by carefully balancing the interests of either side.

As well, many dictatorships in Africa thrived during this period as the lines of accountability were blurred by the need to maintain allegiances. For instance, despite their fingers dripping with blood, Mobutu of Zaire and Moi of Kenya were still invited to dinners in the White House because they had their loyalties right. Between 1961 and 1973, six African independence leaders were assassinated by their ex-colonial rulers. The likes of Patrice Lumumba, Amilcar Cabral, Mehdi Ben Barka, Thomas Sankara and Pio Gama Pinto died in the cross-fires for their Marxist leaning. The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 finally symbolized the defeat of the USSR marking the end of the cold war. The west won and the defeated USSR – now collapsed into many smaller countries, retreated to re-group and vowed to come back one day and to consolidate their fallen empire. As the ‘East’ fell, African governments propped up by the ‘East’ suffered a decline and collapsed. A great example is the Ethiopian regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam whose collapse coincided with the fall of the Soviet Union. Many other dictators were soon overthrown by ‘democratic’ forces emboldened by the triumph of the West. The West further took up a moral high-ground and appealed for the entrenchment of democratic values across the wider western sphere of influence, even isolating the wayward African leaders they had earlier supported and calling for ‘reforms’ which often came with regime changes.

Africa, in the context of a potential WW3.

In 2008, Russia invaded and occupied Georgia, claiming it was defending what it called its ‘sphere of influence.’ In 2014, Russia annexed Crimea to “protect ethnic Russians from far-right extremists.” In February 2022, Russia recognized the independence of the separatist regions of Ukraine (The Donbass region) claiming they were ethnic Russians oppressed by far-right ‘Nazis’ supported by NATO. He also invaded Ukraine to ‘de-nazify’ Ukraine and restore Russian influence within its sphere of influence, an act of war that pits Russia against NATO, E.U. and the U.S. and which carries the potential threat of WW3.

Many countries across the world remain opposed to the invasion of Ukraine by Russia. Many African countries however remain cautious about taking sides lest they jeopardize cooperation agreements with Russia. Several others are scared to rub the west the wrong way, hence they prefer remaining in the Non-Aligned Movement. (The Non-Aligned Movement is a forum of developing countries that decided in 1961 not to take sides in polarizing global political and military conflicts). Most such decisions would be informed by the strength of Russia’s existing foothold on Africa. But how large is this footprint?

For starters, Russia has a huge military impression in Africa. Apart from being the biggest supplier of weapons to Africa for the last 15 years – accounting for nearly 50% of all arms in the continent, several African armies are currently supplied by Russia. In the two currently active conflicts in Africa for instance, Uganda depends on Russian tanks and Mig fighter jets in its conflict against insurgents in Eastern DRC, while Ethiopia relies on a good number of Russian combat helicopters in the Tigray conflict. Russia has also been involved in clandestine military operations through PMCs (Private Military Contractors) in Mali, Lybia, Sudan and the Central African Republic (CAR) quelling insurgencies and propping up shaky governments.

In addition, Russian military choppers and operational personnel are actively present in the conflict theatres of the Horn of Africa and Central Africa where AU and the UN missions operate in Somalia, Darfur and the DRC. Countries like Rwanda, Kenya, Burundi, DRC, Eritrea and Mozambiquean armies also receive technical and military support from Russia. This means that the trade sanctions against Russia imposed by the west will directly affect the dynamic of these conflicts and the capacity of the armies involved. The more Russia becomes isolated from the rest of the world, the more it will try to get closer to smaller, under-developed countries that are rich in minerals. DRC for instance.

Granted, some of these military agreements can be replaced, but the process may take longer than expected. Moreover, some long-term co-operation agreements with Russia may not be replaceable. However, should clear lines be drawn, a majority of African countries are likely to join the western block since the US and France have a greater influence in Africa. One thing all African countries agree on however is their unanimous condemnation of acts of racism against African people caught in the cross-fire in Ukraine.

On the economic front, African countries whose economies rely on trade with either Ukraine or Russia, especially those that import wheat, sunflower oil and crude oil will suffer from high rates due to shortages occasioned by the conflict. Egypt remains Africa’s leading trade partner with Russia. In 2020, alone, it did business worth $4.5B with Russia, importing more that 80% of its wheat from Russia and Ukraine. Likewise, African countries that supply coffee, tea, dairy or flowers will lose an important market for their products due to trade sanctions placed against Russia. A few others like Algeria may be lucky. Algeria is Europe’s third largest gas supplier and may utilize the opportunity to maximize its market reach in the event that Russia completely cuts off its gas supply to Europe.

Political survival is key for every dictator. Many African dictators are closely studying the progression of the conflict and the response of the international community. Not only have the ilk of Sassou-Nguesso, Museveni and Teodoro Obiang’ been possibly emboldened by Putin’s strongman attitude and Russia’s act of war in ‘defending its sovereignty and principles’, they had also leant something from NATO’s handling of Lybia and the disaster it resulted into. In the past year alone, Africa has observed a quick succession of four uninterrupted coups in Burkina Faso, Guinea, Chad and Mali.

Like Putin, Kim Jong, Xi JinPing and other ‘non-cooperative’ world leaders, these African strongmen also took a keen note of the withdrawal of the US from Afghanistan after years of a fruitless campaign, which brought back fresh memories of Iraq’s invasion, whose result gave birth to ISIS – A beast larger than Saddam Hussein. They know the hypocrisy and the toothlessness of the AU and the ICC and their failure in arresting illegal coups, preventing arbitrary civil wars and bringing offenders to book. African countries led by dictators should therefore expect more head-strong leaders who are not afraid of cracking the whip on dissidents. Abyi Mohamed’s ‘forceful’ construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam on the Nile (against Egypt’s and Sudan’s wishes) is a recent example of such nationalist courage which has come with heavy consequences, including the cost of a civil war in Ethiopia.

Sub-Saharan African should expect a rise in terror activities as more weapons and mercenaries will continue to proliferate southward from the war theatres of Syria, Yemen and now Ukraine. If it escalates into a world war, it is certain that part of the Ukrainian conflict will be fought on African soil and African economies dependent upon either sides of the war will be affected in equal measure. The Sahel region, Central Africa and the Horn is no longer Africa’s only conflict belt. From the Syrian war for instance, the remnants of ISIS have set up presence in Somalia, Congo and Mozambique. Conflict in Africa will increasingly take a terror dimension as weaker and defeated factions occupy parts of Africa that are either poorly governed or ungoverned.   

Finally, every pestilence that hits Europe or Asia and Is not quickly contained will quickly cascade into Africa. For instance, after the conflict in Yemen, the country lost its resilience and could not contain the desert locust infestation in 2019/2020 which quickly spread to the Eastern Africa region through Ethiopia and Somalia (who again could not contain the locusts due to conflict), the locusts wreaked havoc causing serious food insecurity in the neighboring countries. Pestilence always follows conflict, sometimes they precede it.



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About Me

I am in an endless philosophical journey to free my curious mind. In this blind journey, I may stumble upon opposing thoughts – something that I consider part of the adventure. I may share some of my thoughts on this blog from time to time, and they remain my own. How you may choose to interpret them however, is a matter entirely in your hands.

NGITO JL.

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